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Nawrocki is an admirer of Donald Trump and has said Poland should focus on shaping and leading Europe’s relations with the US president.

Nationalist historian Karol Nawrocki, who is predicted to have won Sunday’s presidential election in Poland, is a former amateur boxer with a particular interest in the criminal underworld.

The 42-year-old Nawrocki has been endorsed by the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, which governed Poland from 2015 to 2023.

The party is closely allied with outgoing President Andrzej Duda — who has publicly backed Nawrocki — and is a long-standing rival of the ruling Civic Coalition.

Nawrocki campaigned under the slogan “Poland first, Poles first”.

While he has pledged to continue Poland’s support for neighbouring Ukraine against Russia’s invasion, he has denounced the benefits given to war refugees.

He said in a campaign video in April that “social benefits will be above all for Poles” and that “in queues for doctors and clinics, Polish citizens must have priority”.

In May, he claimed Ukraine “has not shown gratitude for what Poles have done” and accused President Volodymyr Zelensky of “insolence”.

He opposes Ukraine’s bid to join NATO.

Photos With Trump

Nawrocki is an admirer of Donald Trump and has said Poland should focus on shaping and leading Europe’s relations with the US president.

Nawrocki met Trump at the White House in May and claimed Trump had told him: “You will win”.

The two were shown giving a thumbs up in photos released by the White House.

Some lawmakers from the governing coalition accused Trump of election interference.

US Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem also endorsed Nawrocki when she attended a conservative conference in Poland, saying: “He needs to be the next president.”

Nawrocki has called for controls on the border with Germany to keep out migrants, and would like Berlin to pay wartime reparations to Poland.

While wooing voters during the campaign, Nawrocki signed an eight-point pledge prepared by far-right leader Slawomir Mentzen.

The election campaign also saw Nawrocki embroiled in a series of scandals.

While arguing against a property tax, he claimed to only own one flat. Later it was revealed he had acquired a second one through a convoluted deal with an elderly man.

A bombshell news report also alleged he had arranged prostitutes for guests while working as a hotel security guard.

Nawrocki called the accusations “a bunch of lies” and said he would sue the news site.

Born in the Baltic port city of Gdansk, Nawrocki boxed and played football in his youth before earning a PhD in history and an MBA.

He served as the director of the World War II museum in Gdansk from 2017 to 2021. Since then, he has led the Institute of National Remembrance, which investigates Nazi and communist-era crimes.

His research focused on Poland’s anti-communist opposition, organised crime during the communist era and sports history.

Last year, Russia added Nawrocki to its wanted list for his alleged efforts to remove Soviet-era monuments in Poland.

Nawrocki said he obtained a gun licence and firearm after winding up in Russia’s crosshairs.

Dual Identity

Nawrocki has written several books, including one under a pen name that landed him in an unusual controversy.

In 2018, he secretly published a book about the communist-era gangster Nikodem Skotarczak using the pseudonym Tadeusz Batyr.

That same year, a blurred and voice-altered “Batyr” appeared on state television claiming Nawrocki had inspired the book.

Nawrocki later wrote on social media that Batyr had sought his advice and “thanked me with an interesting book, which I recommend”.

But local media recently uncovered that Batyr and Nawrocki were one and the same.

Political opponents seized on the revelation.

Nawrocki has also faced accusations of ties to gangsters and neo-Nazis, which he has rejected as “deep manipulation”, insisting his contacts were for professional purposes.

“No one has ever heard a good word from me about Nazism,” he said.

Nawrocki speaks English and still boxes in his spare time. He has said Poland needs “a strong president for tough times”.

He lives with his wife, Marta, and has two children and an adult stepson.

The Bihar Assembly term ends on November 22, so the election process (including counting and declaration of results) must be finished before that.

The 2025 Bihar Assembly Election may be held over two or three phases, Election Commission sources told NDTV Monday. The schedule will be decided keeping Diwali and Chhath Puja in mind, the sources also said. Diwali this year will be on October 20 and Chhath on October 28.

The Bihar Assembly term ends on November 22, so the election process (including counting and declaration of results) must be finished before that. Sources said Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar will visit the state sometime this month to oversee preparations.

Meanwhile, the poll panel is training to BLO, or booth level operators to ensure a fair election, and avoid allegations related to voter lists like those made by the Congress and other opposition parties after the 2024 Maharashtra and Haryana elections and the Delhi election in February.

The Bharatiya Janata Party romped to victories in all three.

In Delhi it thumped the Aam Aadmi Party to claim power in the national capital for the first time in nearly three decades, and in Haryana it overcame a strong start by the Congress to retain power for a third consecutive term in the heartland state. In Maharashtra voter list fraud was alleged after the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi failed to perform like in the Lok Sabha election a few months earlier.

The Election Commission had strongly refused all such claims.

And now, as part of a renewed effort to counter such allegations, the poll panel will provide all BLOs with identity cards, sources said. This will allow them to go door-to-door for verification.

Also, a campaign will be held to update the voter list, so people turning 18 can be added. This will also, sources said, eliminate the problem of duplicate voter ID numbers.

The Election Commission is also prepared to deal with challenges posed by AI, sources said.

2020 Bihar Election

The 2020 Bihar election was held in three phases; voting was on October 28, November 3, and November 7, with results announced on November 10. The result was an overwhelming victory for the BJP and Janata Dal (United)-led alliance, but there was much drama that followed.

JDU boss and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar lived up to his ‘paltu Kumar’ sobriquet in just two years later, in August 2022, declaring “I would rather die than go with the BJP (anymore)”.

He re-aligned with Tejashwi Yadav and the Rashtriya Janata Dal, but then flipped again. Amid confusion and controversy, in January 2024 he dumped the RJD and returned to the BJP’s side.

The 2025 election will be keenly watched, as much for what Nitish Kumar does next as for the BJP building up steam ahead of a critical round of state polls next year, when Bengal and Assam will vote. Both polls will likely be dominated by fierce debates over issues like immigration.

In 2026 Tamil Nadu and Kerala will also vote. Both states have historically rejected the BJP and its brand of muscular nationalism, with the former giving the DMK and Congress alliance big wins in the past three major polls – the 2019 and 2024 Lok Sabha and 2021 Assembly elections.

Nawrocki, 42, a eurosceptic historian who ran a national remembrance institute, campaigned on a promise to ensure economic and social policies favour Poles over other nationalities, including refugees from neighbouring Ukraine

Polish nationalist opposition candidate Karol Nawrocki won the second round of the country’s presidential election with 50.89 per cent of the votes, the electoral commission said early on Monday, in a blow to the reform agenda of the pro-European government.

His rival, Rafal Trzaskowski, the liberal Warsaw mayor and an ally of the government led by Donald Tusk, got 49.11 per cent. An exit poll on Sunday had shown Trzaskowski winning with a razor-thin majority.

Nawrocki, 42, a eurosceptic historian who ran a national remembrance institute, campaigned on a promise to ensure economic and social policies favour Poles over other nationalities, including refugees from neighbouring Ukraine.

The amateur boxer won despite his past dominating the last days of the presidential campaign – from questions over his acquisition of a flat from a pensioner to an admission that he took part in orchestrated brawls.

While Poland’s parliament holds most power, the president can veto legislation, and the vote was being watched closely in Ukraine as well as Russia, the United States and across the European Union.

Nawrocki, supported by the Law and Justice party (PiS), is expected to continue the policies of his predecessor, President Andrzej Duda, also an ally of the largest opposition party, including blocking any attempts by the government to liberalise abortion or reform the judiciary.

On social media platform X, Duda thanked Poles for going to vote in large numbers. Turnout was 71.31 per cent, the electoral commission said, a record for the second round of a presidential election.

“Thank you! For participating in the presidential elections. For the turnout. For fulfilling your civic duty. For taking responsibility for Poland. Congratulations to the winner! Stay strong Poland!” Duda wrote.

The Muhammad Yunus government had lifted a ban on the Jamaat-e-Islami soon after taking charge in Bangladesh last year.

Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh and its student wing Chatra Shibpur have regained their political status, with the Supreme Court restoring their registration and allowing them to be listed with the Election Commission for fighting future elections.

This follows the Muhammad Yunus government lifting a ban on the organisation soon after taking charge last year.

The Jamaat has remained active in Bangladesh despite losing its registration in 2013 and being barred from elections. It is now trying to rebrand itself ahead of national elections after being accused of being involved in attacks on Hindus in the aftermath of Sheikh Hasina’s ouster.

Mr Yunus’s critics have accused him of clinging to power with the Jamaat’s support, which has used the students’ movement in the country as a front to gnaw its way back into politics.

Earlier, the court had overturned the conviction of ATM Azharul Islam, a key leader of the organisation who was sentenced to death in 2014 for rape, murder and genocide during the 1971 war for the liberation of Bangladesh.

Jamaat’s Support For Pakistan

The Jamaat-e-Islami had supported Pakistan during the 1971 war – despite the torture and genocide that marred the erstwhile East Pakistan’s history. The Pakistan Army, on the orders of the Pakistan government, had committed severe atrocities on citizens of Bangladesh during their liberation struggle, including mass rape and murder.

Former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had cracked down on the Jamaat-e-Islami for their involvement in terror activities. But with Jamaat clawing its way back into Bangladesh’s political space, there are severe implications for the neighbourhood, especially India, which shares the longest border with Bangladesh.

With Pakistan trying to regain space in Bangladesh, the resurgence of the Jamaat gives it the necessary political space to find a way back in. The Jamaat-e-Islami’s pro-Pakistan stand is in tune with Muhammad Yunus’s assertion to build “stronger ties with Pakistan.

This is why political analysts in Bangladesh imply that Yunus came to power with the support of the Jamaat, which was the force behind the students’ uprising, while his critics argue that he wants to extend his stay in power with the backing of the Jamaat.

There are other geo-political implications of the Jamaat’s stand on various issues. For example, last month, Bangladesh’s Jamaat-e-Islami proposed the creation of an independent Rohingya state in a meeting with Chinese Communist Party (CCP) representatives in Dhaka. The delegation was led by Peng Jiubin, the Director-General of the Southeast and South Asian Affairs Bureau under the International Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee. This comes amid a surge of Rohingyas into Bangladesh as Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) seize power along Myanmar’s international borders, especially the Arakan Army, an EAO operating in the Rakhine State of Myanmar.

What If Jamaat Succeeds?

If the Jamaat is successful in convincing other countries and cobbling together some consensus, it would impact India’s geo-political interest in the region.

India has invested in the Sittwe Port and the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project (KMTTP), India’s flagship connectivity initiative in Myanmar, which aims to enhance road and maritime links with Southeast Asia. It will also provide an alternative access route to India’s northeastern region, contributing to economic development there. The project connects Sittwe Port in Myanmar to the India-Myanmar border via a 225-kilometre waterway to Paletwa, where an IWT terminal is being set up, followed by a road from there to the border in Zorinpui in South Mizoram.

The Jamaat has also established a network through South Asian immigrant communities. Its stated motive of establishing an Islamic state goes against the ethos of pluralism, which seems to be receding from the ideological space in Bangladesh. A hardline Islamic state, if the Jamaat has its way, with close links to Pakistan on the eastern side, could lead to huge security worries for India.

‘A Red Flag For India’

Priyadarshini Baruah, Research Associate, Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS), New Delhi, credited the political vacuum that emerged after the Awami League’s fall and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)’s weakening for the Jamaat’s return. The rise of such a radical outfit is a red flag, she said.

“Knowing the Jamaat’s history of opposing Bangladesh’s liberation and their alleged ties to Pakistan-backed terrorism, the Jamaat’s growing influence in Bangladesh is a red flag for India, especially due to their anti-India sentiments. It is feared that their growing influence could destabilise the region, and this fear remains tall, especially with regard to India’s North Eastern (NE) region since it shares a geographical boundary with Bangladesh,” she said.

The Jamaat’s return also exacerbates the concerns of minorities in Bangladesh.

“We have seen how the minorities are being treated in Bangladesh under the influence of Jamaat. The non-Muslim population, mainly Hindus, dropped from 13.5% in 1974 to 7.95% in 2022. And their suffering is likely to exacerbate as Jamaat tentacles grip on the Yunus regime,” said Ms Baruah.

That the Jamaat has now secured the status of a political party under the Yunus regime would also reflect their stand on minorities, giving India greater traction in policy making, she added.

Jamaat, BNP Not Always On Same Page

The Jamaat-E-Islami, while holding a pro-Pakistan stance, however, so far never won a majority but has played the role of Kingmaker. It has earlier been an ally of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which was the main opposition party in Bangladesh during the Sheikh Hasina regime.

Of late, there have been issues where the BNP leadership and the Jamaat have disagreed. Among those is conducting elections by December 2025. The BNP has been firm on this demand, while the Jamaat has been comfortable with Yunus holding on for longer, as it gives the organisation more time to mobilise for elections.

The Jamaat also has a larger motive in downplaying Bangladesh’s freedom struggle and India’s role in the 1971 war.

The Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami that was one of the main players in the 2024 uprising against Sheikh Hasina, faced massive backlash for an article in its magazine Chhatra Sangbad for describing Muslim participation in the Liberation War as “a failure” and a “lack of foresight”.

It apologised later amid pressure, but the BNP students’ wing condemned this line of thought and openly took a stance diametrically opposite to the Jamaat, which has always harboured pro-Pakistan sentiments. Many saw it as the Jamaat testing the waters over its effort to create an Islamic brotherhood.

Chirag Paswan emphasised that his decision to consider the state elections is driven by a desire to bring development and stronger representation to Bihar.

Union Minister Chirag Paswan has hinted at contesting the upcoming Bihar Assembly elections on Monday, asserting that as he serves at the Centre but his heart and political purpose have always remained rooted in Bihar.

Speaking to reporters during a one-day visit to Chhattisgarh, Paswan remarked, “I don’t see myself in central politics for too long. My reason for entering politics was Bihar and the people of Bihar. I want to take forward my vision of ‘Bihar First, Bihari First’.”

“After winning my third term as a Member of Parliament, I realised that being in Delhi makes it difficult to work directly for Bihar. I have placed my thoughts before the party, and it will evaluate whether my contesting the Assembly elections would benefit the organisation,” he added.

Mr Paswan emphasised that his decision to consider the state elections is driven by a desire to bring development and stronger representation to Bihar.

“Sometimes, when national leaders contest state elections, it does help the party grow. If my participation helps the alliance and strengthens the NDA’s position in Bihar, I will contest,” he stated.

However, Chirag Paswan made it clear that he is not eyeing the Chief Minister’s post. “There is no vacancy for the Chief Minister’s post in Bihar. Nitish Kumar will remain the Chief Minister,” he affirmed, reiterating NDA unity in the state.

Mr Paswan has never contested an Assembly election before, but his growing involvement in state matters has sparked speculation about a shift from national to state politics.

The Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) is part of the NDA in Bihar, which also includes parties led by Union Minister Jitan Ram Manjhi and former Union Minister Upendra Kushwaha.

The 243-member Bihar Assembly is expected to witness a high-stakes contest this year, and Chirag’s possible entry could alter political equations within the NDA and the larger electoral landscape.

Meanwhile, during his visit to Chhattisgarh, Paswan also spoke about expanding his party’s presence there. “In the coming days, I will frequently visit Chhattisgarh. We are focused on strengthening our organisation and gradually expanding the party’s footprint in the state,” he said.

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